February 17, 2011
By Staff Reporter
The party leader, the Rev. Ian Paisley, sipped cups of tea while his lieutenants were on hand to decry the treachery of Ulster Unionist Party leader David Trimble and the duplicity of Sinn Fein.
Quoted on the inside front page of the DUP’s 36-page document was an extract from an article penned by this journalist in the Irish Echo just over two months ago.
Written against the background of the failed political negotiations in December, the Northern Bank robbery and the slaying of Robert McCartney by republicvans, it read: “Sinn Fein is in the doghouse. The pan-nationalist front has been consigned to the political dustbin. The political process is at a standstill and the DUP has the whip hand.”
The manifesto trumpets the analysis with the footnote — “Even our opponents bear witness that after years in decline, unionism is finally on top. Don’t let Trimble wreck it.”
The Irish Echo has undoubtedly championed the cause of a United Ireland down through the decades and the DUP is probably justified in branding it as an “opponent” of its policies. However, lest the party get carried away with its recent successes, there are some things it should keep in mind when casting an eye over the last 18 months since it has usurped its Unionist rival.
As the largest unionist party, it faces into next week’s general election in the North knowing that more unionists than ever are likely to mark their ballot papers in its favor. Trimble is in trouble in his own constituency and his party faces possible meltdown in a number of electoral battles.
However, while the DUP confidently surveys the political landscape declaring itself to be “on top,” it need not be complacent. Its recent public relations victories have all flowed from republican misfortunes and own goals.
Paisley has had an easy ride in recent months. He has been able to sit back as the republican movement is forced to endure the opprobrium of the Irish and British governments and the Bush administration.
Senior politicians in Ireland, Britain and the U.S. continue to line up in opposition to Sinn Fein. The level of anger and condemnation directed at republicans has been such that one Northern humorist recently called for a “unionist non-smirking day.”
First came the Northern Bank robbery in late December, which was denied by the IRA and Sinn Fein but laid at their door by practically everyone else. While republicans argued their innocence, the fact remained that the incident exposed Sinn Fein’s Achilles heel: the continued existence of the IRA. So long as the organization remained intact, republicans could expect that every major act of criminality in either state would be attributed to them.
Second came the killing of Robert McCartney. Here there was little doubt who was to blame. Several republicans were involved in his stabbing to death outside Magennis’s Bar in January. The IRA has said it has expelled three of its members over the incident and ordered them to turn themselves in. Sinn Fein has, meanwhile, expelled two of its members for refusing to provide statements about what they saw that night and suspended another 10 party members who are said to have been in the bar around the time of the killing.
Though the killing was not authorized by the IRA, and was carried out by seemingly rogue members, it has dragged the entire republican movement’s name through the mud. Gerry Adams, the Sinn Fein president, has said he will do everything he can to meet the McCartney family’s search for justice.
The McCartneys have claimed that the expulsion of Sinn Fein members has not furthered their cause and only confused matters. As long as the culprits remain at large Sinn Fein and Adams can expect to remain political pariahs.
In the meantime, Sinn Fein’s Mitchel McLaughlin has been vilified for refusing the describe the 1972 murder of Belfast mother of 10 Jean McConville a “crime?” gardai claim to have uncovered a vast IRA money-laundering ring in County Cork, President Bush and Sen. Ted Kennedy have publicly snubbed Adams, and Martin McGuinness has been accused of threatening the McCartney sisters.
As Sinn Fein is the largest nationalist party in the North, and one that looks set to increase its mandate, any problem it faces is equally a problem for nationalists of all hues. At root of all of Sinn Fein’s difficulties has been the IRA.
But what would happen were it to be stood down? Republicans are hopeful that things would begin to change for them.
If the IRA declares it is to fade away in the next few months, then satisfy Gen. John De Chastelain and two clergymen that it has put its weapons beyond use and stand down its members, then Adams could portray the initiative as an unilateral act of republican good faith.
Republicans claim that the IRA will not submit to the DUP’s demands for photography of weapons and will simply call it a day.
What then for the DUP?
Would it insist that the non-existent photographs be produced before going into power-sharing government?
It is possible that Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern, having finally got what they always wanted, will have less patience for such a demand.
Would it rule out power sharing for good?
This is unlikely. Blair, having endured a savaging of his Mr. Nice Guy image over the Iraq war, is desperate to wind up the Northern peace process in order to earn a reputation as a peacemaker.
Real engagement would be foisted on the DUP. With the matter of IRA guns taken care of, the party would then have to deal with nationalists and republicans on a whole range of issues — policing and justice, equality and the all-island institutions being paramount among them.
The challenge then for the DUP will be to cut an honorable power-sharing deal without being accused by its own supporters of being “Lundies.” In such a scenario, will it then be able to argue that it is “on top”?