February 17, 2011
By Staff Reporter
Described as the “deal of all deals,” Gerry Adams, the Sinn Fein president, said. Under the deal, the IRA would have agreed to two independent witnesses, one Protestant and one Catholic clergyman, to watch as it decommissioned its weapons. This would have concluded “speedily” and probably by the end of this month. The IRA would have agreed to order its members not to engage in any activity that would have endangered the new agreement.
The International Independent Commission on Decommissioning would also make a statement on what arms had been put beyond use and the two clergymen would also be able to make public statements about the process.
A further proposal, the only one not agreed to in advance and the one the ultimately proved to be the deal breaker, was that photographs of the weapons would be taken by the commission but not displayed publicly until March when the new power-sharing executive would have begun work.
This would have prevented the DUP from using the photographs for electoral purposes, or to claim the IRA had surrendered and then reneging on its commitment to power sharing.
Also under the deal, the British government would have withdrawn its powers to suspend the Assembly and Executive, while the DUP and Sinn Fein would have nominated their choices for first and deputy first ministers this week.
A shadow assembly would have begun work in January 2005 with the full power-sharing arrangements following as quickly as possible — in February or March.
The DUP would have made a public commitment to participate in the new arrangements, including the North-South bodies and the Executive (which they boycotted last time it was up and running).
The parties would have been bound by a new ministerial code that would bind the Executive to the principles of cross-community power sharing, such as equal treatment of people from both traditions and fair prioritizing of policies.
Measures would have also been introduced to give the Assembly more power to scrutinize ministerial decisions and Assembly members would also have gained powers to approve or reject the executive when it is first formed. Meanwhile, London would have committed itself to devolve responsibility for policing and justice to the Assembly with two ministers in charge — one from each community.
Sinn Fein would have then called a special ard fheis to debate support for the new policing arrangements and, if approved, would have taken its places on the Policing Board and would have encouraged young nationalists to join the force.
In addition there would have been agreement on other issues not directly mentioned in the two governments’ proposals. These would have included significant and speedy demilitarization by the British army; republicans “on the run” would have been allowed home; the four convicted of the manslaughter of Garda Jerry McCane would have been eligible for early release; Northern MPs and MEPs would have been given the right to take part in Dail and Seanad debates in Dublin, and the powers of the Human Rights Commission would have been enhanced.