FBI denies involvement in informer case

By Jack Holland

The FBI has dissociated itself from allegations that Dave Rupert a leading member of an Irish-American organization in Chicago is in a witness protection program in the U.S., ready to give evidence against arms-running operations of a leader of the dissident Real IRA.

"We have no standing in the case whatsoever," said a spokesmen for the FBI in Chicago. "It’s not an FBI case. There were no violations of federal law involved."

The claim that Rupert, a 49-year-old republican militant who was a leading member of the National Irish Freedom Committee in Chicago, is preparing to appear in a Dublin court as a witness against Mickey McKevitt, the alleged chief of staff of the Real IRA, has sparked controversy among Irish-American activists and set off a round of blame and counter blame.

Not surprisingly, his former colleagues are casting doubt on his credibility. But if the allegations are true, it would be an extraordinary coup — using an American with no Irish background, a relative newcomer to the Irish republican cause who in the few years of his involvement managed to get close enough to an IRA veteran — a man police on both sides of the border have pursued for years without success — to be able to provide crucial evidence against him in court. McKevitt is now is in jail accused of directing terrorism, with Rupert billed as the star witness against him.

Security sources suggest that McKevitt and his organization were desperate to find a source of funds. They think that Rupert, who is variously reported as having told people he was independently wealthy or owned a trucking company, might have bought his way into the heart of the Real IRA.

"McKevitt was desperate to find a sugar-daddy," said one.

It was in 1999 that Rupert first emerges as a member of the Irish Freedom Committee, joining on Aug. 3 that year. The IFC was set up in New York in 1986 by George Harrison. Harrison, a former gun-runner for the Provisional IRA, had thrown his support behind Republican Sinn Fein, which broke away from the Provisionals that year. He said that the IFC originally was "meant to raise funds to help Republican Sinn Fein open an office." There was no money going to prisoners since at that stage Republican Sinn Fein’s armed wing, the Continuity IRA, was not active.

"From October 1999," said John McDonagh, an IFC activist in New York, "it became clear that Chicago IFC wanted to go in another direction." The Chicago group wanted the IFC to support not only the Continuity IRA prisoners but those belonging to the RIRA. In Ireland, Rupert met with McKevitt and reportedly told the Irish press at a meeting that there was "a need to redirect the energies of the movement" in the U.S.

McDonagh read e-mails that Rupert had sent to IFC activists in New York which detail an attempt to win them over to his thinking. According to McDonagh, Rupert wanted to take over the IFC.

On April 29 1ast year, Rupert and six of his supporters were expelled from the IFC, McDonagh claims. He accused the Chicago IFC of trying to split the organization. However, in a recent statement the Chicago-based IFC alleges that it was the New York IFC which split away.

"The so-called ‘split ‘of the Irish Freedom Committee was initiated by the New York chapter of the IFC following orders from the Dublin offices of Republican Sinn Fein," the statement said. It was signed by Joe Dillon and Deirdre Fennessy, who are among those expelled by the New York organization in April 2000. Fennessy describes herself as the national secretary of the IFC.

The statement went on to accuse the New York IFC of making "vile accusations. . . . In time the spin doctors will be seen for what they are." The statement did not, however, address the allegations about Rupert, because, said Fennessy "we don’t know what we’re dealing with." She said they would respond if the allegations about Rupert "are true."

Among those who knew Rupert is veteran activist Martin Galvin, who for many years was the chief spokesman for Irish Northern Aid. Galvin has become the most prominent American supporter of the 32-County Sovereignty Committee, which has been linked to the RIRA.

"I first met Rupert at an Irish Freedom Committee award ceremony two years ago," Galvin said. "I’m skeptical about all the revelations." Galvin is quick to stress that he "never had any dealings with him in terms of money." He also points out that if the allegations about Rupert are true, it will be the first time that an American has been recruited on behalf of the British government to counter "legal activities of American citizens." Galvin says that IFC members were well within their First Amendment rights in organizing support for the 32-County Sovereignty Committee.

Fennessy, who knew Rupert since late 1997, said that he disappeared last fall.

"He hadn’t been attending meetings," she said. "I have no idea where he went."

According to Fennessy, high-ranking members of Republican Sinn Fein vouched for him.

"We had no reason to doubt his credentials," she said.

At one time Rupert is reported to have jointly own a bar in Ireland with a high-ranking member of Republican Sinn Fein. Like Galvin, Fennessy is skeptical about the allegations concerning his penetration of the RIRA.

"I have no idea what gives him that credibility," she commented.

Of the reports in newspapers, such as The Sunday Times, which had Rupert raising hundreds of thousands of dollars for the dissident republicans, she said, "I never saw anything like that." She said that he appeared to have "no financial obligations" and went to Ireland "quite a bit" but was always very "budget conscious."

She is also skeptical of claims that Rupert had access to inside information — one report said that he identified the RIRA’s arms procurer in Boston.

"I have no idea what gives him that kind of credibility," she said.