Interview: Mandelson says he imposed direct rule to save process

By Jack Holland

The Northern Ireland Secretary of State Peter Mandelson has asserted that he reimposed direct rule "not to wreck the Good Friday Agreement but to save it."

Mandelson, in an interview with the Irish Echo Tuesday while visiting New York, mounted a vigorous defense of his decision to suspend Belfast’s power-sharing government after only 72 days. To save the situation, he argued, it was necessary to prevent the Ulster Unionist Party leader and First Minister David Trimble from having to resign, which Trimble had threatened to do if decommissioning had not begun by the end of January.

Mandelson said that he had intended to make suspension operative at the beginning of the week following the date of Trimble’s threatened resignation, February 4. But he had delayed another week to gain time for the IRA and Sinn Féin. He said he offered to put suspension on hold for another week to allow the republican movement a "breathing space" but Sinn Féin was not prepared to accept it, objecting to suspension in principle.

"Trimble would’ve resigned," Mandelson said. "[Seamus] Mallon [SDLP’s Deputy First Minister] would’ve gone with him . . . things would have staggered on. There would’ve have been a mounting crisis until assembly elections were called." And, according to Mandelson, they would have been the "most divisive elections in Northern Ireland’s history. It would have been a disaster."

Unionist veto

Mandelson’s move, however, has provoked a storm of criticism, mainly from Sinn Féin who have accused him of caving into the "Unionist veto." Asked if such discontent about his handling of the crisis meant Nationalists no longer viewed him as "neutral," he replied: "I’m less concerned about the acerbity of Sinn Féin propaganda than I am about getting the institutions back on track."

Mandelson, who took up the post last October, replacing "Mo" Mowlam, has the reputation of a New Labor Mandarin, an intellectually combative politician who, once he has made up his mind about his course of action, is not easily moved to change it.

He did not "underestimate Nationalist anger at suspension," he said. But, he insisted, the context of his move on Feb. 11 was the IRA’s failure to begin decommissioning.

"The support of Unionism for inclusive government was wearing thin because of the absence of decommissioning," he said. "Unionist confidence was running on empty. There is nothing to be gained from forcing Unionists — or republicans — out of the process."

Mandelson insisted that republicans had made a commitment in November, at the close of the review of the then snarled process carried out by former Senator George Mitchell and that it was understood that decommissioning would have to begin "as soon as possible." He said that it was not just a matter for the IRA but that "all paramilitaries must shoulder the responsibility for decommissioning. The only way to contribute to that resolution is by talking, meeting, and rebuilding consensus."

The secretary of state was asked what would happen if the May deadline in the Good Friday Agreement for decommissioning to be completed passes without results.

"I continue to hope that Sinn Féin will be successful in persuading the IRA to decommission," he replied. "If not, it will be very difficult indeed to reactivate the institutions. Nationalists will feel very let down."

In the meantime, Mandelson affirmed that "the Good Friday Agreement agenda will remain and will be pursued by me," including, he said the implementation of the Patten Report on reforming the Northern Ireland police, the release of prisoners and the Criminal Justice review. His confidence in the future, he said, was based on the fact that all the pro-agreement parties remain committed to it.

"Inclusive government has been shown to work in Northern Ireland. Fairness, equality, and parity of esteem remain the heart of government. Politics is now the only way forward. There is no need of violence."